Foreign Policy and the War on Terrorism. Beyond considerations of just the issue of ISIS, Bennis gives needed perspective on some of the related conflicts which are adding to the immense human suffering in the Middle East. The book is organized as a series of questions about ISIS and the war on terror, making it accessible to all levels of readership. The best section of the book is her discussion of ISIS, including its origins, its expansion, its function, and its ideology.
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It is more than a 'primer , ' offering an indispensable account of the complex turmoil afflicting the Middle East. Beyond considerations of just the issue of ISIS , Bennis gives needed perspective on some of the related conflicts which are adding to the immense human suffering in the Middle East. The book is organized as a series of questions about ISIS and the war on terror , making it accessible to all levels of readership.
As contributors were polishing their essays, the bombing of the U. Such concerns preoccupy especially those authors in the third section of the volume. As we go to press, the war has technically ended, while the fitful beginnings of Iraqi independence are taking shape amid almost daily deaths of Iraqi citizens and of U. The occupation under way promises to continue for months, if not years. Meanwhile, Washington returned to the Security Council in October to seek an international imprimatur with an accompanying spread of risks and of costs; the result was Resolution While current issues are the focus, the authors also place U.
Both Presidents Clinton and Bush, he finds, have been willing to use force when necessary to defend U.
However, despite apparent expediency, there are deep social, religious, and cultural forces that underlie the U. They may also, as in the case of current policy, frustrate commitments to multilateral institutions and goals. To explore the roots of the George W. Although unilateralism predominated during the presidency of Ronald Reagan, its roots run deeper.
In order to establish its nature, he contrasts traditional realist conservatives and more recent neo-conservatives. Bush, not unlike his father, embraced a limited realist perspective during his campaign, but that September 11 gave neo-conservative influences increased weight in policy decisions. And since globalization is not a public policy.
War thus notably narrows those rights that any of us have a reasoned basis to expect as inviolate. He ends with a chastening view of policy options. While he concurs with neo-conservatives that the U. It is also these same ascendant policy-makers who indicate unease with multilateral commitments and ideals. In brief, Farer offers a sociopolitically informed but somewhat alarming view of the future.
A question remains as to whether or not he adequately acknowledges the possibility of the emergence of countervailing liberal and critical views that can constrain, if not reverse, the neo-conservative influence in current foreign and human rights policies. Has the human rights movement the ability to challenge and reduce the power of neo-conservative hegemonic views?
George W. Bush: Foreign Affairs | Miller Center
Will U. He brilliantly dissects the roots and power of conservative views, but he offers less insight into alternative power centers that may reappear as policy pendulums shift and refocus. As a symbol, therefore, they remain available for appropriation by advocates of almost any position. It is unusual in a social science collection to introduce philosophical issues, but the editors thought that it would challenge readers to frame the issues more conceptually and hence facilitate the identification of relevant options. While political scientists and others may have difficulties with her framing of such topics as realism and humanitarian intervention, we urge them to consider carefully her line of inquiry.
Lichtenberg explores a range of principles that might serve as moral and operational maxims justifying the current U.
It is also a view of U. It seems unlikely that quantifiable measures of costs and benefits could be found with sufficient credibility to alter policy choices. Nor does Lichtenberg refer to the continual balancing of the pros ands cons, including budgetary liabilities, associated with traumatic foreign policy events. She nonetheless helps to guide the reader through a set of compelling philosophical choices that lay the basis for a closer examination of foreign policy.
The contributors explore this issue from different perspectives, including a look at whether prior U. Forsythe, the Charles J.
II. Hard cases Make Bad Morality
An exception may be U. Crahan, and John Goering really needed in the twenty-first century is presidential leadership that can reorient U. His central argument is that the war on terrorism has shifted always limited attention and resources away from human rights. It was the contraction of security concerns accompanying the end of the Cold War that enabled rights to flourish relatively, but not absolutely, and obviously not irreversibly.
After the events of September 11, human rights were again marginalized. Human rights violations and repressive policies in countries such as Pakistan, Russia, and Israel since September 11 illustrate how security goals have displaced human rights within U. Despite this critical perspective on current U. He worries that weakening the U. First, the Bush administration has refused to treat its terrorist suspects in accordance with international legal standards. Second, the U. Roth recognizes that both Democratic and Republican administrations have traditionally been skeptical of human rights treaties.
But the Bush administration has intensified U. In addition to its stance against the ICC, the administration has derailed efforts to protect human rights in such U. First, by failing to abide by international human rights standards, the U. Second, the inconsistent record on human rights undermines U. Crahan, and John Goering Iraq as well as the conduct and aftermath of the war. The five contributors challenge popular characterizations of U.
Bush would seek multilateral support from the U.
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That he stood before the General Assembly on September 12, , and called on the world organization to authorize all necessary means to disarm Iraq was considered surprising by some for an administration that had expressed a deep skepticism of the effectiveness of multilateral approaches and a clear preference for avoiding them. The administration ultimately sidestepped the U.
Luck recites basic reasons why the U.
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The world organization, with its built-in power blocs of contending geopolitical interests, was a relatively inflexible and resistant tool for war planning. Resistance existed because many states used the U.
Public opinion polls about the war in Iraq indicated that support for the war either remained the same or increased after, rather than before, Bush called for U. As for Congress, Luck shows that Democrats did not take a stance opposing a war on Iraq, let alone advocate pursuing multilateral diplomacy. He argues that George W. Indeed, Bush seemed to have won more than he lost.
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In a White House not known for making simple tactical errors, this could have been among their shrewdest political choices to undercut for domestic purposes—even if only in the short run—the Security Council. Just how much did the Bush administration anticipate and consider the consequences of its decision to proceed with the war on Iraq? Within the Arab world, he argues, it was well known that Iraq no longer possessed such weaponry.
Crahan, and John Goering present danger to them and the region. Moreover, Ayoob contends that U. Arab anger and radicalism, he believes, will be fueled because the war in Iraq will strengthen Arab solidarity with the plight of and perceived injustices toward Palestinians.